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Welcome back everyone to Planet Money Summer School, economic history of the world.
Considered a master's degree you can literally do with your eyes closed.
In fact, it's better with your eyes closed.
Because in your mind you can meet the economic geniuses, the crafty idealists, and the greedy racon tours that created the economy we have today.
This is Lesson 5, The Rise and Fall of Free Trade.
I'm Robert Smith. Trade between nations?
Well, it started before there were nations.
In prehistoric, archaeological digs we find evidence that early humans somehow obtained stones and shells from far away places.
Trade has come up in all of the episodes of summer school so far.
One of the early uses of money was to make trade easier.
Trade was responsible for the birth of companies in the stock market, and trade was the lifeblood of the early United States.
But over the last few hundred years, governments have placed more and more regulations on trade.
Nations had to figure out whether they should encourage buying from other nations or should they try to protect their own industries.
Those questions are playing out in politics even today.
We'll have just one story today about the history of free trade and helping us understand all the moving parts is our economics professor for this lesson Gordon Hansen from the Harvard Kennedy School.
Hey professor. Hey there Robert.
Trade is obviously everywhere around us.
So how are we all part of the trading system?
You Robert are an exporter of communication and radio services to the rest of the world.
Just like yes, I love it.
I'm an exporter of educational services to the rest of the world.
Although sometimes that involves people coming from other countries in order to study with you.
That's the fun thing about trade is sometimes it involves goods going to consumers and sometimes it involves consumers going to the goods as it happens with education or tourism and the like.
What is it inside of all of us that creates this economic push to always be trading?
So think of my hometown where I grew up, Fresno.
Bills itself is the raisin capital of the world.
Where Fresno, not to export its raisins everywhere else, we'd have loads of really cheap raisins.
We'd be knee deep in raisins in Fresno.
That then would spark the interest of raisin lovers everywhere to say, hey, Fresno's got a bunch of cheap raisins, let's import them.
And that would help relieve us of that surfeited of raisins running around the streets of our town.
So if we're looking at big picture, what happens to the poor raisin producer outside of Paris-France, who can't compete with these awesome Fresno raisins?
They are likely going to have to find something new to do.
As we think about globalization, we think about the benefits of free trade.
We tend to like to focus on the positive stories.
But because trade is disruptive, bringing in imports from somewhere else means you're not buying them from somebody who's local, there's a downside too.
Trade creates winners and losers.
The winners are going to be the folks, the raisin producers in Fresno, who now get to sell their raisins to a bunch more places.
The losers are going to be those who find themselves competing with much cheaper goods coming in from places you didn't anticipate having to compete with.
As we listen to our history story today, what should our students keep in mind?
I feel like we're at this real crossroads right now in the US, and in the world too, about how we should manage trade.
The big challenge that we face is figuring out how do we want to engage with the rest of the world?
Since World War II, we were moving towards more openness, making our markets more accessible to other people so that we can import French wine and Italian fashions and sending conductors from Taiwan.
And they would return the favor by allowing us to export pickup trucks and cell phones and digital services to their economies.
We have now hit pause on all of that, and we don't have a new model for how we want to go about trading with the rest of the world, having recognized that trade to date has created a lot of losers from that process of globalization, who we've taken pretty poor care of.
And the big debates that we're having about trade policy right now really emanate from that challenge.
What do we do about people whose lives are disrupted by international competition?
Coming up, we begin with a famous economist.
In fact, the most famous economist in the world being kidnapped as a child, and how that gets us to the dream of world peace after the break.
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All right. All right, everyone.
Pencils ready. We're about to do 250 years of history in around 20 minutes.
Before we start, I just wanted to get one definition from our professor, Gordon Hansen.
We'll be hearing a lot about tariffs.
So what is a tariff? A tariff is a tax.
And it's a tax on goods that we buy from other countries.
So when we have wine from France, or we have automobiles from Japan that show up in a US port, if you want to bring those goods actually into the country, US customs is going to say, you got to pay a tax in order to do so.
Now, which international goods should be taxed, which country should we target, how high should the tariff be?
These are the questions we will explore in this classic episode from 2016, hosted by the great Jacob Goldstein and myself.
We'll tell the history of free trade in three chapters.
And we'll bring back our professor after chapter one about an economist you have probably heard of.
Robert, yes, Jacob. I'm starting the show with Adam Smith.
That is bold. I don't care what anybody says.
Adam Smith is super interesting.
He's key on trade. And you know, we're an economics show have not talked about Adam Smith in years.
And his big book, The Wealth of Nations, came out in 1776.
It's perfect. This is a show about America and trade in three acts.
So chapter one, Madam, I'm Adam.
That's like an underground appellan.
Is it on reading it backwards?
It's true. So, okay, for Adam Smith, we talked to an economic historian named Doug Irwin and we said, all right, let's start by telling the world how amazing Adam Smith is.
Adam Smith lived with his mother.
He was a bachelor. He didn't go out at night.
Come on, you can do better than that.
You have all people, Doug Irwin.
He was captured by gypsies.
He was kidnapped. What?
For real? The Adam Smith?
He almost was lost to humanity.
We should probably note here that so many false accusations were made against the Roma people back then that the story is likely apocryphal.
But what is true is Adam Smith grew up and basically invented economics as we know it.
And a key part of that was thinking about trade in this way that was really revolutionary and that frankly is still central to the way economists think.
So at the time people measured the wealth of a country, the wealth of a nation, if you will, by how much gold the country had.
And the pile of gold is what makes you rich.
It's gold. That's right.
Who doesn't want gold? And everything that country did was to get more gold.
They would explore. They would go to war.
They would take over continents and they would trade.
International trade was a gold making machine.
You send cloth or grain to France.
France sends you gold. But the key to the way people thought about trade at the time was you wanted to keep that gold in your country.
And the way you do that is you do not buy stuff from other countries.
Or at least you want to buy less from them than they buy from you.
You want to run a trade surplus.
That's how you get a big pile of gold in your country.
So countries put up high tariffs, taxes on imports.
And they put quotas to discourage people from buying stuff from other countries.
They basically said keep the gold here.
Buy everything in this country.
And the Adam's with looked at these policies and just said, that just doesn't make sense.
And he said it's not how much gold you have.
It's how higher wages are and the standard of living of people.
Not what's sucked away in the government coffers.
The standard of living of ordinary people.
That's just how much stuff can ordinary people buy.
And those high tariffs and quotas they made it so people could not buy as much stuff in Great Britain at the time.
They had a lot of restrictions on imported food.
It's just harming working people by making them buy high priced food.
Adam Smith says this at the time revolutionary thing.
It says get rid of those tariffs and quotas.
Food will get cheaper. Lots of things will get cheaper.
People standard of living will rise.
They'll be able to buy more stuff.
The nation will get wealthier.
Now there are farmers who are selling expensive food who might be temporarily heard.
But the idea Adam Smith said was that those farmers, they will change jobs.
They can start making cloth.
Which maybe they can make better and more cheaply than people in other countries.
And then they can trade that cloth.
Yeah, I mean Smith steps back and says free trade can make everybody better off.
And so we sort of writes the original get rich quick book.
But for nations right. The wealth of nations is the name of his book.
And the book is a big hit in Britain.
And it makes its way to America.
The wealth of nations was brought over on ships to the United States.
And Jefferson, Adams, Hamilton, they all read Adam Smith.
We have the Constitution 1787.
First Congress meets 1789.
The second bill they pass is a tariff bill.
What? It's one of the first things they do because the government needs revenue.
They had the book, Jacob.
They read the book. They ignored the book.
Yeah, the tariff starts out as a way to get revenue.
But as soon as the US has any industry to speak of, factory owners start going to Congress and saying, hey, we need more tariffs to protect us from foreign competition.
And Congress agreed. And from that point forward in American history, there are ups and there are downs.
But pretty much we are a protectionist country.
And this political outcome, it makes sense when you look at it.
You know, it's really a classic thing.
You have this relatively small number of people who benefit from a tariff.
And they care a lot about it.
You know, these are people with factories who would have to compete against imports.
So of course, they're going to push for a tariff.
They're going to go to Congress and say, look, I'm going to go out of business.
All my workers are going to lose their jobs.
You have to protect me. But then you have basically everybody else in the country who are going to pay more for their stuff as a result.
But it's not as big of a deal because it's not like their job or their company depends on it.
They're not going to get on a horse and ride to Washington DC to yell at their senators and complain that their stockings say cost two cents more.
How dare you, sir. Yeah, this is like a political truth.
You know, when you have a concentrated benefit, in this case, the factory owners up against a diffuse cost, everybody else, the concentrated benefit usually wins.
Even if it's much smaller than the cost.
And that's really the story of chapter one, tariff swing, Adam Smith loses.
And tariffs in the US stayed really high for a really long time.
Hey, this is Robert Smith in the year 2024, rudely interrupting my own story, interrupting my own self from 2016, because I just wanted to discuss a few things with our professor, Gordon Hansen, before we move on to chapter two.
Hey, there, Robert. This argument that the early United States makes, oh, we're just a small country.
We can't possibly compete with France and England.
So we need to have high tariffs.
We hear this argument even today from from a lot of developing nations.
So this is known as the infant industry argument.
And it was something the US embraced pretty wholeheartedly, even before we had a term for it, beginning with Alexander Hamilton.
And there are many cases where protecting those nascent industries from import competition could make sense.
For instance, I can imagine a country that is just starting to make cars say, and they might want to put a temporary tariff on foreign cars so that their local car companies could, you know, get a little time to get better at manufacturing before they have to compete with a Ford or a Honda from overseas.
The challenge in doing so is that everybody feels like they deserve that sort of protection.
And so what might began with an effort to strategically target some industry that could be really important for you in the future, ends up covering everybody.
So we talked about Adam Smith in the previous episode, but we left out another huge figure in the sort of economic theory of trade and that's David Ricardo.
He was born sort of a few years before Adam Smith published the wealth of nations.
Who was David Ricardo and why does he matter?
David Ricardo was one of the great classical economists coming, a generation after Adam Smith, and he elaborated the idea of comparative advantage, which is one of the most powerful concepts in economics.
So explain this to us. So comparative advantage is about the idea that different places tend to be good at producing different things.
So when Ricardo tried to explain comparative advantage to the world at the time, he used the example of Britain and Portugal.
Portugal at that moment in time was pretty good at producing wine.
What Britain had was an abundance of good technical knowledge in making things that allowed Britain to become very good at making textiles.
And in Ricardo's view of the world, he said, look, Britain shouldn't be making wine.
We should let Portugal do that because we can import all of this great Portuguese wine much cheaper than we could ever imagine producing it for ourselves.
This was also a good thing for Portugal in David Ricardo's view.
Portugal can then turn around and buy that English cloth.
So it's using wine to buy cloth.
Under comparative advantage, a country should look toward the thing they are most efficient at.
Well, here's the interesting thing about Ricardo's idea.
Countries don't need to look for it.
If you just engage in free trade, markets will guide you towards doing that thing.
All the government needs to do is kind of stand back and let the trade happen and markets will take care of the rest.
The poor person who is trying to make cloth in Lisbon, Portugal will find that their shirts are just way too expensive in the world market.
Their shirts are way too expensive and the wine producers are hiring all of their workers.
Yes. And they have perks that you don't get in a factory.
Exactly. Free samples.
Let's take a quick break here and then when we return, a hero of free trade emerges and shows the haters how trade can maybe even bring world peace.
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All right. Now back to the show.
All right, everyone. Let's return to our history of free trade in the United States of America.
When we last left our story, chapter one, the founding fathers of the United States studied Adam Smith carefully and then they threw his book out the window.
We decided to be a protectionist nation.
High tariffs. And the US stayed that way for a long time.
But it finally changes largely because of one man.
Chapter two, a man, a plan, a free trade hero, Cordell Hall, not a palantrum.
True, but this was the man who unleashed free trade upon the entire world because a hillbilly from Tennessee.
Doug Irwin told us Cordell Hall grew up in a log cabin.
I read that when whole was a kid, he would go on these trips where they would make a raft out of a bunch of logs, float on the logs down the river and then sell the logs in Nashville.
In the south where hall was growing up, and this is around the turn of the 20th century, most of the politicians were anti tariff, not because they had read their Adam Smith and thought everybody should get cheaper goods.
Obviously, but because the farmers in the south grew tobacco and cotton, which people all over the world wanted to buy.
They were exporters. They loved free trade.
But the US factory owners, these are mostly northern Republicans at the time.
They mostly wanted to sell stuff to customers in the US.
So they wanted protection from foreign competition.
They wanted tariffs. Cordell Hall becomes a lawyer, then a congressman from Tennessee.
And during World War I, he has this revelation.
He realizes tariffs aren't just about economics.
There is something much bigger at stake.
And as he looked at the war, he said, there were economic causes to this war.
Those causes are that there was protectionist policies, the lack of international free international trade.
And that led to political frictions, which led to war.
And therefore, my mission, my life goal, is to bring about free trade because that will bring about world peace.
Think of how amazing this argument was at the time.
He was saying Germany and France would not have needed to fight in those trenches if they had traded more stuff with each other.
If there were thousands of businessmen in Paris and Berlin saying, hey, don't shoot them.
Those are my customers.
But that argument didn't really didn't really convince the world.
It wouldn't be the first thing you would say caused World War I.
But Cordell Hall latched onto it and pushed it and pushed it and pushed it.
In the 30s Hall becomes FDR Secretary of State.
And he does have some success.
Congress passed this law that said the president could negotiate lower tariffs with other countries.
Still, Irwin says that whole obsession, that the key to world peace was free trade that all you need man is free trade.
This just rang false in the 1930s.
People thought he was nuts.
The reason why there's Nazi Germany is because they didn't trade enough because they didn't have free trade.
And even Roosevelt, President Roosevelt thought, you know, he's a really little bit misplaced here.
You know, the world's, you know, burning up around us.
And he's talking about trade agreements.
And people said, that's just not it.
He's off base. And there was something else.
There was another reason why people were not taking Cordell Hall seriously.
He also spoke with a list.
He spoke like Elmer Fud.
Dean Atchison in his memoirs.
He was at the State Department of the time.
He said, these often unciated words due to a speech impediment emerged as reciprocal twade, rapport, WAM to reduce tell us by saying, this is sort of mean.
I think it's mean. This is sort of mean.
People are making fun of them.
They are. They are behind us back.
But we really haven't reached the whole moment because he does win.
Cordell Hall's moment came because of World War II.
The State Department is not responsible for fighting the war.
That's the, so they're spending the entire war thinking about what what comes next.
And there's this moment.
There's this pause. Nobody knows which direction to go in.
And Cordell Hall steps forward and says, how about this direction?
Absolutely. I'm going to place a music under you.
Give me a Cordell Hall speech that is the most idealistic, the most visionary, the best possible pitch of his for free trade after the war.
I'd say this is the pitch.
By turning inward after World War I, the United States abandoned its international responsibility and we had World War II.
That was a grievous mistake.
We cannot repeat this mistake after World War II.
We have to come an economic leader, a political leader in the world, and an essential component to ensuring peace in the post-war period is having a strong economic foundation.
If people are fully employed and trading with one another and they're economically prosperous, they'll have a vested stake in preserving peace.
If they're unemployed and there's economic rivalry and bitterness and resentment about other countries stealing our jobs or this or that, it's going to lead to a political breakdown and lead potentially to another war.
That's pretty good pitch.
Yeah, and imagine hearing it as World War II was winding down.
The world was exhausted and devastated.
And the President Roosevelt strongly supported all this and that was his moment.
So Cordell Hall is standing there.
He finishes his pitch and there's dead silence in the room.
And then all of a sudden in the back, Dean Atchison, the man who had mocked him for a speech impediment stands up and starts a slow clap.
And locks eyes with Cordell Hall and then everybody starts to stand up.
Ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, into this whole room is going to create ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho,
ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho,
ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho,
ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho,
ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho, ho Why does it seem like we're still arguing about this?
Why are we talking about trade all the time?
I called up Joe Stiglitz on this.
He is famously sort of skeptical of a lot of globalization and of parts of trade.
He's also a famous economist when the Nobel Prize, the Econ Prize, and back in the 90s, he was an advisor to Bill Clinton and worked at the World Bank, and at that time when he got to Washington, he noticed something strange.
That the free trade agreements were not free trade agreements.
They were just called free trade agreements.
The deals did lower some tariffs, but remember, tariffs were already super low.
A bigger deal, according to Stiglitz anyway, is all these other things going on in these trade agreements.
So let's say a corporation disagrees with a foreign government about a certain regulation.
Yeah, that trade deals have special like panels to settle those disagreements.
The deals also had stuff about like how long drug patents were good in different countries.
And economists started looking at all this stuff and saying, wait, what?
There was a broad sense that these shouldn't be in a trade agreement.
They were actually restricting trade.
And it wasn't just accounts.
This is the sound of thousands of people chanting and protesting in the streets of Seattle.
The year was 1999, and everybody was there to protest a meeting of the WTO, the World Trade Organization.
At Robert Smith, you were a cub reporter in the World Trade Organization.
Well, as we saw yesterday, I mean, clearly there are enough police officers here, although I don't see them now, and I don't really know where they are.
I'm sure they're ready to shut down any protests.
You fought the tape. How did you get that?
I didn't think they even recorded things, record it.
We called the station. They pulled it off of the lack cylinder and sent it to us.
They, they, the Robert Smith, you said like, what were you 12 years old?
Your voice hadn't changed yet.
So, I think that's the reason why I'm here today.
I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm
here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm
here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm here today because I'm You don't even get to the end of the acronym before you're like I got to go to something else but then you hear World Trade Organization WTO it sounds like a Bond
villain Strukey cat going we are going to Lord Tariffs Mr Bond and there's nothing you can do to stop us.
Robert I'm not even going to try and do that voice but but I would say that Bond villain would also be saying like and we're going to monkey with your regulations.
We're going to change the dynamics of power between corporations and governments.
And that was the amazing thing you saw in Seattle.
The protesters were not carrying signs that said, oh, we need higher tariffs on sneakers say they were there dressed as sea turtles saying, oh, what the WTO does is ruin environmental regulations around the world.
And this is still the trade fight we're having today.
Because all of a sudden free trade was being debated in a broader context.
Yes, free trade helps economies grow.
Yes, comparative advantage can overall make countries more efficient and lower prices.
But the focus after the battle in Seattle was on the victims of free trade workers trapped in sweatshops endangered animals killed by industry and people in the United States who lost their jobs when their factories moved to a cheaper country overseas.
After 2000, the push for free trade and globalization faced more backlash and Cornell Hall wasn't there to defend it.
By 2016, we saw both Democrats and Republicans in the United States come out against new free trade agreements.
The UK, home of Adam Smith, leaves the world's largest free trade zone, the European Union called it Brexit.
And some countries around the world start to bump up their tariffs.
Coming up after the break, we'll ask what happened to the great age of free trade.
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Back with us is our professor Gordon Hansen from Harvard's Kennedy School.
Thanks for joining us again.
My pleasure Robert. So what happened?
What happened to the dream of Cornell Hall?
Well, I think we need to give court a whole lot of credit because a good part of his dream was realized when we went from the general agreement on trading tariffs to the world trade organization.
What we did was take what had been a small group of trading nations with low trade barriers with low protectionism and turn that into a much, much larger group.
The fall of communism and the embrace of more free market policies on the part of lower income countries in the rest of the world in the 1980s and 1990s meant that there was a moment when cordial holes dream it was there.
Now, there was a bunch of complications that came from taking his vision, which was really about kind of the US and Europe and a handful of other countries and extending it to the world as a whole.
And that complication comes from the fact that when everybody is trading with everybody, man, we're allowing comparative advantage to fully play itself out.
And what that means is for lots of stuff that any economy produces, there's going to be somebody who does it better and that's going to push you to specialize on a narrow and narrower set of things.
And it means that you're going to have lots of parts of your economy that are going to face job losses and factory closures and the disruptions that come from global competition.
Let's talk about the moment that everyone refers to now as the big moment of reckoning of world trade.
And that's when China enters the WTO, the world trade organization in the year 2001.
You've done a ton of research on this.
What happened? Because China was so big, having a comparative advantage in those industries meant that, wow, from one year to the next or one decade to the next, all of a sudden the supply of this stuff on the global market just exploded.
And it was something we had just hadn't seen before, comparative advantage playing out on global scale in a really compressed timeframe.
And the consequence was lots of really cheap goods available at Walmart in the United States and lots of job loss on the part of factories that had been producing those goods for US consumers.
How did this change the way the government politicians view free trade?
Well, it didn't change politicians' ideas at first.
What it did was to create a new reality on the ground in America's industrial heartland.
People saw their communities hollowed out, the loss of good jobs that paid high wages to folks who didn't have a college degree, and the breakdown in families, in the fraying of the social fabric, and the kind of general social malaise that emerged as a consequence of losing all of those jobs.
Folks then wanted something different.
And politicians responded to those demands.
Donald Trump had a set of arguments in place that trade was bad for America and bad for American workers, and there were for a bunch of folks for whom that message resonated because they lived it.
We also started to hear the national security argument for tariffs that in order to counter the rise of China and be prepared, in case there was some kind of conflict, the US needed to protect some of its own industries.
Trump ended up putting substantial tariffs on China during his term, and perhaps surprisingly when Biden came into office, he kept those tariffs around.
So President Biden recognized that the political reality had changed.
Here's the kind of bizarre thing about this, is that as you talked about in the earlier episode, Republicans were anti-trade in the 1800s, then somewhere along in the 20th century became strongly pro-trade, it was the Democrats who tended to be more anti-trade.
Then things flipped right around the time that Donald Trump gets elected president, and Democrats briefly found themselves as the pro-free trade group countering the anti-free trade Republicans, and they realized we're not going to win this battle politically, so we're just going to jump on board.
So big picture for our summer school students.
What is the lesson we can take from the on and off love affair the United States had with free trade?
I think the big picture thing is that when a region loses its key industries, it often works out that adjusting to that sort of traumatic change can be a generational process, and that means it could take 25 years to fully work itself out.
We then, as a society, want to be focused on how do we make it not generational?
So it would be nice if our politicians were talking about how we help people adjust and create new lives, rather than scoring political points with tariffs that just haven't been shown to work to deal with this specific and very important problem.
Professor, we always like to recap the key concepts in summer school because believe it or not, there is an online test at the end of the semester, and if the students pass, they're going to get a planet money diploma, which I should say since your professor, this is not a real diploma in any way.
Just so you know, I'm guessing some folks have put it on their resumes.
We find students take liberties with their educational accomplishments to a remarkably humorous degree.
Do not put a summer school degree on your Harvard application people, but you can put it on your Instagram or Facebook.
Okay, vocabulary words.
Protectionism and tariffs go.
Protectionism has become one of these terms of art that lots of people are talking about today.
What it literally means is raising trade barriers against imports from other countries.
Tariffs, taxes on imports are a prime form of protectionism in how trade policy is utilized in modern economies.
And I will add to that a big concept that will serve everyone well if they study economics, concentrated benefits and diffuse costs.
So tariffs can provide a huge benefit to just a few manufacturers protected by the tariff.
That's a concentrated benefit.
But millions of people might have to pay just a little bit more for their products because of that tariff.
That's diffuse costs. Gordon Hansen, Professor at the Harvard Kennedy School, thank you so much for your lecture today.
Thank you, Robert. It's really been my pleasure.
Oh, the places we've traveled to so far in our summer school time machine.
If you're joining the class late, we have, well, we have the entire history of the world waiting for you at npr.org slash summer school.
Too much? You can also take your knowledge in smaller bites, intellectual tapas, if you will.
On our TikTok channel, the video crew is taking one concept from each show and making it sing and take a few moments.
And sing and dance and sparkle.
Are you not entertained?
We'll be back next Wednesday with another history lesson showing you how China and East Asia went from poverty to technological leaders in less than 50 years.
I'll just note that trade helped that happen.
Audrey Dilling produces Planet Money Summer School.
Devon Meller is our project manager, Sophia Schuchineff fact check this episode.
And Alex Goldmark is our editor and executive producer.
Our engineer today is James Willins.
I'm Robert Smith. This is npr.
Thanks for listening. This message comes from npr.
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