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China pledges to better coordinate domestic economic work next year to account for international trade turbulence.
China's foreign minister, Wang Yi, calls on China and Germany to show their responsibilities as major powers for more stable bilateral policy framework.
Renewed fighting spreads along Thailand-Cambodia border.
And Benin, an African country, says Nigerian airstrikes helped the country file coup attempt.
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China's top leaders have mapped out the country's economic priorities for 2026 at Monday's meeting of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee.
The meeting highlighted eight areas of focus, including boosting domestic demand, strengthening innovation, deepening reform and opening up, advancing low-carbon development and improving people's livelihoods.
The leadership noted that this year has been significant for China's modernization, saying proactive and effective macro policies have been implemented despite mounting challenges.
Looking ahead to next year, the meeting stressed maintaining stability while, at the same time, pursuing progress.
So for more.
My colleague Li Yunxi spoke with Professor Liu Baochuan, joining us from the University of International Business and Economics.
Professor Liu, this year's Politburo meeting is perhaps at a very special time point that connects China's 14th five-year plan to the 15th, And do the eight priorities send any signal that differs from the policy in previous years?
There is the general consistency with regard to the last five years of the 14th five-year plan.
We do notice there are a number of different focuses that are really worth attention.
One is that government is there to try to sharpen the domestic lead demand as the anchor towards the Chinese growth.
The readout elevates the domestic demand as the main driver and building a strong internal market to be on the top tier.
That is there to signal a more explicit pivot from the export-led buffering to eternal rebalancing among the trade volatility around the world.
So that's one thing.
The other is that the government is resolved to produce more proactive fiscal and monetary policy to support economic stability, while it can also be able to deal with the cyclical adjustments in our economic performance.
So, in the meanwhile, the language is there to point out that the longer term horizon coordination with the short term stability will be further enhanced so that we are able to maintain a structural balance while the economic stability can really lead to economic boost of prosperity.
The third is that there is also a linkage that is noteworthy between development versus the security considerations.
So there is a reinforced call to coordinate the development with the security consideration to be able to manage international environment in terms of the Chinese trade and investment.
So it marks a more defensive but also resilient orientation than the early years of document.
So I think lastly, it still pinpoints to the fact that innovation shall serve as the persistent growth driver.
So the innovation dovetails with the 15th five-year plan, which will be rolled out from next year.
It also focuses more on original innovation.
The government is resolved to support the core technology breakthroughs, whereas they deepened and the pervasive the application in our industry.
Eventually that can also boost the Chinese domestic demand with new variety and with higher quality.
So there's increasing focus on China's domestic market.
But before we dive into that sector, looking at a global scale, both the global economic environment and China's domestic one are both undergoing drastic changes.
And how should we understand the balance between maintaining stability and pursuing progress in a time like this?
Stability is the bottom line, both in terms of the Chinese economic performance and also in managing our complex international relations, particularly in the area of connectivity and economic prosperity, with so many trading partners.
So more specifically, it is there to stabilize first the job opportunities, particularly for the younger generation.
And in order to achieve a higher level of employment and a high quality of employment, we need to also to stabilize the confidence of the Chinese companies, be it private firms, foreign firms that are already parked in China and state-owned companies, so that they are able to enjoy a better and enabling environment to make progress, so that they can create more of the job opportunities.
And then we also need to stabilize the predictability of investors with the performance of the stock exchanges.
And then the predictability of the local governments, because some of the local governments are facing some of the debt burdens.
They also can be insured about the government's support I mean from the central government to address this issue, and also more of the monetary policy and fiscal policy will be catered to some of the key areas to alleviate their consideration, as long as they are doing the right job.
And the other is that we also need balance between our green growth versus economic growth.
This is something that's a very delicate balance but, most important of all, the important part is really to build a strong system to deal with the risks that might present in terms of economic shocks, in terms of the souring of economic relations with key partners.
These are really the issues that we need to take into consideration.
And as you pointed out earlier, the readout had emphasized economic growth led by domestic demand.
And so, looking at the Chinese consumption market, which sectors do you see as the key leverage to boost domestic demand in the next year?
I think it's really a hybrid issue, and destination is to enable the consumers to be able to buy more and also to alleviate their concerns over further spending and also to unleash their willingness to spend.
So, in that regard, to enable consumers, we need to be able to create more of the job opportunities so that they can really have predictable income, better expectation of their career later.
Then you know, to unleash the spending power, we also need to consider on the supply side whether the products, in terms of quantity, quality and variety, are they able to cater to the rising demand in China, and particularly in the area of high-end service.
Also to alleviate their fear to spend money.
The government also needs to step up with more of the social security nets so that they can be less concerned about something in case that happens.
For example, in terms of illness, in terms of children's education and also in access to monetary support in dealing with housing mortgages, etc.
So these are really the fundamental issues to address the consumer demand.
So therefore, the short-term type of offering coupons or to encourage the trading can really be there to synchronize with the long-term fundamental issues, to unleash the Chinese conception power.
And a key driver to creating new demand is probably coming from the tech sector.
And now looking back to the year 2025, which is perhaps a very special one for the Chinese tech industry, especially after the launch of the AI chatbot DeepSeek at the start of the year.
And now looking forward, is there still any gap in China's innovation ecosystem?
I think that's a very important question that we need to pay high attention to, because over the past few decades, China has been focused on practical technologies that can be amplified to gain quick market gain.
And now we need to really look back, also given the global volatility and also the export restraints of high technologies and high equipments from the Western world.
To focus more on the original innovation is something that China needs to do the homework.
So we need to really seek stronger pipelines for basic research and break through originalities in those core technologies.
But it doesn't mean that we are voluntarily shutting our door to collaborate with the global top-notch research labs, universities etc.
But we must also be prepared for certain shock waves that might be able to interrupt our technological drive.
And the other is how we can really integrate our industry together with the research, because there has been a number of last mile bottleneck in translating those research findings into commercial ability.
So in this way, we need also to support more of the platform for transparency in research.
And, of course, during which time we also need to strengthen the intellectual property protection so that these incentives will be there to remain and getting stronger towards the research.
And third, that we need to also to build institutions.
We also need to build the institutional system to attract more talents so that they will have higher retention rate and they will be more dedicated to really to bring more success in their research.
So lastly, I think we also need to pay higher attention to what we call hidden champions.
So these are the small and micro businesses that they have great ideas.
What they need would be some guidance in terms of how to market their innovation and in terms of the financial support in access to bank loans or to the annual investments, et cetera.
So this is really something that's important in the digital revolution, where the younger generation, smaller businesses, can play an even more important role in support such a level of transformation through the new technologies.
Professor Liu Baocheng from the University of International Business and Economics talking with my colleague Li Yunqi.
Coming up.
China's foreign minister calls on China and Germany to show their responsibilities as major countries for more stable policy framework.
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You are listening to World Today, I'm Ding Hen in Beijing.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has called on China and Germany to build a more mature model of positive interaction and a more stable bilateral policy framework.
He made a remark in a meeting with his German counterpart, Mr. Johann Wendefeld here in Beijing.
The senior Chinese diplomat expressed this particular hope that Germany will view China's development as an opportunity for deeper cooperation and as a driving force for mutual benefit and win-win cooperation.
He also said that the one China principle is the political foundation of China-Germany ties and leaves no room for ambiguity.
Wonderful.
Called for the two sides to strengthen communication and coordination and to become reliable and predictable partners for each other.
He said Germany's commitment to this one China principle will not change.
So for more.
Joining us now on the line is Professor Cui Hongjian from the Academy of Regional and Global Governance, Beijing Foreign Studies University.
Thank you very much for joining us.
Hi.
So we know, a key focus of the German foreign minister's visit to China this time is actually on trade.
He says China is Germany's most important trading partner and that Berlin intends to expand this partnership with China.
So where do you think the two sides can somehow strengthen their economic and business ties?
And where do you think trade barriers still exist?
Also you know both China and Germany.
They are very, very close trading partners, and not only in trade and also in industry cooperation.
So undoubtedly in recent years there are some more concerns from the German side on so-called competitions from China on some industry or manufacturing sectors.
But I think on one side yes, because of the development of China's economy and technology and there are some competitions between China and Germany on some sectors.
But I think competition itself is not a problem.
And now I think the major problem is if you just take competition as a major problem, or even as a major part of this bilateral cooperation, And then you'll try to find out some more, you know gesture of confrontation, to deal with it.
I think there will be some, maybe a bigger risk for not only for German economy and also for this cooperation between China and Germany.
So I think now it's time for both sides to sit down and to make clear.
So what's a, you know, substantial basis for our cooperation?
Because so far, it takes a major part of its economic relations between two countries.
And then, yes, there are some competitions.
How could we find out more wise and even more reasonable solutions?
I think that could be the you know, reasonable way to deal with any situation.
But of course, at the same time, I think for both sides, we need to continue some very, very effective cooperation.
If we look at even the carmaker sectors there are also some already from German side that there will be some more competition from China.
But, as we know, for a long time, both the countries they do have a very, very good cooperation in this sector.
And for some other, I mean, new areas.
I think now for both sides, especially from the German side, it should have some more confidence to open some new areas to cooperate with China.
Yeah, I guess a very important basic fact to clarify here is that both China and Germany are in principle in favor of say, free trade, free global trade, which has been acknowledged by the German foreign minister this time as well.
So I guess, at a time when we still expect much global trade turbulence in the years ahead, I guess a lot can be done by China and Germany jointly to safeguard this multilateral trading system.
Now Professor Cui.
We know this is the first visit to China by a German top diplomat since Chancellor Friedrich Merz came into office earlier this year.
So do you think Germany under Merz sees incentives to encourage the European Union to return to a rational and pragmatic China policy?
I think, from China's perspective.
Of course, China hopes that Germany could do something more, not to deal with bilateral issues, economic or some other issues, and also uh also you know germany is a you know influential member states within the european union and especially as the biggest uh economy uh in the european union.
Uh german german side should, you know, play a more positive though to help uh firstly, the stability of the relations between china and the eu.
And also uh germany, should germany, should you know uh take use of of its influence to change the current situation.
I mean to have some more positive or confidential views about China, about the Chinese economy, and then to try to find some more equal and rational solutions for any kind of crisis or challenges.
But of course I think the most important thing is, Germany should not just have a bigger economy, it should have some more comprehensive understanding as a major player not only in Europe and also maybe on a global level.
To look at everything in a longer focus and especially in a wider vision.
I think that could be very, very helpful to help the European Union side and to find some more strategic vision for these relations with China.
Now let's talk about the Taiwan question, which appeared to be a very key talking point during this meeting between the two foreign ministers.
Mr Wang Yi cited a series of historical documents, including the Cairo Declaration, the Post-Dom Proclamation, the UN Resolution 2758, as well as those four political documents between China and Japan.
Wang Yi said that they all reaffirmed China's sovereignty over the Taiwan region.
So what's the significance of making emphasis on these documents to the German diplomat?
Also, the Taiwan issue is not the issue between China and Germany on the table.
But in recent years, because of the you know a huge change of international order, and especially from the German side, some politicians want to take use of this Taiwan issue as a so-called playing card and to deal with some issue with China especially.
Look for some transaction law.
I mean deal.
For example, I understand that for some German politicians they try to raise the issue of Taiwan and try to force China to share some more.
You know common stance with them on the Ukraine issue.
But I think it's, you know, a very, very big mistake to try to, you know, connect to the Taiwan issue and the Ukraine issue.
Because from China's perspective, it's a very, very, you know, totally different, you know, issues.
Because Taiwan certainly is a domestic affair for China.
So, on this regard, as we know, it has become a kind of a barriers for both China and Germany to promote the political mutual trust.
So I think this time, yes, the foreign minister of Germany made some mistake before.
But now yes, when he come back to China, we can find out some change of his attitude towards this issue.
But not only for this time.
I hope that it could be a continued attitude from this German government.
Even for the future, once there's a more high-level exchange between two countries.
I think that Taiwan could not be the barriers for this bilateral relations and to make some more consensus on Taiwan issue.
Hopefully, it could become a new consensus for both the countries.
Now, Professor Cui Hongjian, we understand one particular message that China has been trying to send to Berlin is that Back in 1989, China unreservedly supported the reunification of Germany after the downfall of Berlin Wall.
So now China hopes that Germany could also support China's national unification cause.
How would you look at this point from China?
As we know, for China, for China's foreign policy, we do have a very, very strong views that we need to connect the history and the current situation.
We should not cut off between history and the current situation.
So I think this time Minister Wang tried to give some more efforts to help German counterparts to understand.
How could China to understand the Taiwan issue and how could China to find out some even connection between this reasonable attitude from China on the unification of Germany several decades ago?
So I think for China we say that you should try to look at somebody else as you try to find out the same near situation.
So I think now it's time for Germany to understand.
How could they require or demand the unification for the country?
And you should understand better about the Chinese perspective and also about the Chinese political goal.
Indeed.
And I think it's very meaningful to understand that during French President Emmanuel Macron's visit to China recently, Paris reaffirmed the commitment to the one China principle.
And now the German top diplomat has basically done the same thing.
So to a very large extent, the gesture of the two sides matter here.
So thank you very much for joining us.
Professor Cui Hongjian joining us from Beijing Foreign Studies University.
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China's foreign trade expanded by 36 in the first 11 months of the year, reaching more than 412 trillion yuan, or around 58 trillion US dollars.
Exports rose by 6.2% year-on-year, while imports edged up by 0.2%.
In November alone, exports increased by 5.7% from a year earlier.
And, from January to November, China's trade with the Belt and Road partner countries exceeded 21 trillion yuan, accounting for more than half of the country's total foreign trade.
ASEAN remained as China's largest trading partner, with bilateral trade rising by 85 and accounting for more than 16 of the total.
The European Union ranked the second, followed by the United States.
So for more analysis, my colleague Zhao Yang spoke with Dr Zhou Mi, senior research fellow with the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation.
So, Dr Zhou Mi.
China's foreign trade grew by 36 in the first 11 months of this year and exports rose by 62.
How have Chinese exporters navigated the geopolitical tensions and the US tariff uncertainties to sustain this trade momentum?
Well, I think that you want to discuss about the export.
I think there are maybe two aspects.
The first one is that the world's demands are recovering.
I think that because of the tariffs, as you mentioned about the United States, they are not able to export their products to the original market in the United States.
So they are trying to find some new ways to connect with other parts.
But from the other side, I think that they are also trying to get better support from the sustainable supply chain.
So China is one of the main manufacturers in the world and we are providing so many products.
So we export a lot of electronic products and the intermediate products to meet their demand for the manufacturing for those countries.
So, based on these kind of scenarios, I would say that the connections between China's market and other trading partners are strengthened this year, especially for the first several months.
And based on this kind of innovative ways of doing business, I think that Chinese enterprises are producing more greeners and more intelligent products to meet the demand of the so many trading partners.
I think that is also the reasons that they can just have a stable development, although there are a lot of imports from the geopolitical tensions.
And in November alone, the exports rose by 5.7%, while imports jumped to 1.7%.
So how do you explain this latest figure?
Which industries are contributing most to this growth and why are they outperforming?
Well, I think that it's very diversified.
So for the agricultural products, I mean that we are importing more things for this.
You know the end of this year.
And also for the electronic machineries and some of the autos.
They really are having a much better performance compared with other products.
So if you're looking at trading in the autos, they are almost four times higher compared with the general growth of the trade.
So many countries really want to update their vehicles, roads.
And I think that China's producers of those products are really competitive.
It's not only about the new energy vehicles, but also the traditional fuel-for-fuels vehicles.
We are exporting so many of them.
So, based on this kind of idea, I think that people all around the world are getting better knowledge about China's abilities.
And I think that is really very important for them to continue with their plans and strengthen their abilities in the new energy and also the digital economies world.
And we found that integrated circuit exports jumped 34% in November.
So does this signal a deeper shift in China's position within the global semiconductor supply chain?
Definitely, I would say that is also what we have achieved in the previous several years.
China's abilities in the semiconductors are strengthened year by year.
It's not only about the low technology products, but also Chinese companies are getting to higher and higher levels.
I talked with my friend last evening that the companies in Anhui and also in Tianjin.
Those companies are really able to produce better the memory sticks and also other related semiconductor products.
I think that is definitely what the other countries want to have, because the world is needing so many different kinds of chips.
So, no matter from which country, I think the most important thing is about the price and the quality.
And Chinese producers are really good at that.
And auto exports, as you mentioned, surged by 53% year on year.
And China is now a global EV powerhouse.
So what's behind this performance?
And can China maintain this pace among the trade barriers?
I would say that the market is the key factor that has encouraged the competition among different suppliers.
And the suppliers are also benefiting from China's complicated and resilient supply chains.
So for this kind of demand, I would say maybe there are some different trends in the coming year because of some of the market capacity.
But I would say there may be more potentials if we are doing a kind of measurements to improve the penetration in certain markets and also the collaboration with our trading partners.
So based on the trade facilitation, I would say that autos are able to supply to the world.
And we still have some restrictions about the shipment abilities.
So, based on this improvement, I think that maybe next year we will see a better improvement on the exports of those autos.
And ship exports also grew by 46%.
So what does this tell us about China's competitiveness in the shipbuilding industry?
China is already the number one shipbuilder in the world.
I think that is coming from abilities from the private sector, especially.
So you know, I have visited many of the shipbuilding factories and I can find that they are not just trying to produce the ships but also trying to improve.
It's a performance like for better environment protections, and we see some greener fuels and they really want to address the problems of carbon emission.
So, based on this idea, I think they can adapt themselves to the demand of the customers and, which is very important, for the ship export, and they can really have a better and very stable expectation in the coming years.
And ASEAN remains China's largest trading partner.
The European Union ranked the second and the U.S. came in third.
So how do you explain that?
And what is driving the deepened economic integration between China and Southeast Asian countries?
Well, you know, compared with ASEAN and Europe, the United States is really performing not that good, because China's trade with the US has decreased almost 20 compared with the same term last year.
So I would say that the strengthening of the cooperation between China and ASEAN, the Southeast Asia countries, coming from the mutual understanding and the complementary development based on our common understanding about the corporation.
So the industrial chains and the supply chains are strengthened, based on our different advantages, and the companies really benefited from that.
So, based on a lot of you know, mechanism assurance, like the free trade agreements, The companies can have a better expectation about the future and they can do more to improve the efficiency and try to reduce the frictions on the costs, like the tariffs.
I mean, that is really important for them.
And the EU was China's second largest trading partner and we've seen that China-EU trade grew by 54.
So what is this review about the economic interdependence between the two sides?
China and the EU, we are both very large economies.
So, based on that possibility, I would say that the cooperation between our two parts are really diversified, not just in the agriculture or manufacturing or services.
We have so many complicated relations.
If we can have some better reactions based on these possibilities I think that's the trade between our two parts can even strengthen.
So we are, you know, we're doing something to support the infrastructure of the connections, like the rails, like the harbors, but I don't think that is enough.
So we can still trying to deepen our collaboration based on the mechanism, and like some agreements.
So, based on these kinds of things we, the enterprises, can have a better expectation and they will do more to strengthen the collaboration between our two parts.
And we've talked about the emerging trends and growth drivers you know for China's imports and exports this year.
So, Dr. Zhou, what's your expectation for China's trade for next year?
Which sectors are likely to become China's next major export growth engines?
Yes, it's a very difficult question to answer because you know the exports are depending on the demand and ability.
So, in my understanding, I think that auto will still be very strong next year compared with.
You know what we have achieved.
There are still so many areas we are able to explore.
Well, another one is about, you know, not only trading goods.
I i would say the trading services can be even improved in the coming years.
We can see that china's abilities of the different service sectors are really good to meet the demand of other countries, and also the outdoor investment will encourage the professional services collaboration between china and our trading partners.
So uh, there are so many things that we can expect.
Dr Zhou Mi, Senior Research Fellow with the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation, talking with my colleague Zhao Yang.
You are listening to World Today.
We'll be back.
You're listening to World Today, I'm Ding Han in Beijing.
Renewed fighting between Thailand and Cambodia is spreading along their shared border.
Both sides are blaming each other for the clashes.
Cambodia said on Tuesday that its soldiers launched counterattacks against the Thailand troops after more than 24 hours of non-retaliation.
Thailand, in the meantime, said Cambodian forces had been detected inside its territory and military operations were launched to expel them.
The clashes have derailed a fragile ceasefire, brokered by the United States, that had ended five days of fighting in July.
So for more joining us.
Now on the line is Professor Lin Tai-wei, an East Asian expert with Soka University.
So thank you very much for joining us today, Dr. Lingtai Wei.
First of all, what do you think has reignited this fighting between these two Southeast Asian neighbors?
Why is the U.S.-brokered ceasefire fragile?
Well, how it started depends on which interpretation you refer to.
So from the Thai side they said that some of their villagers were under attack from artillery shelling.
And from the Cambodian side, they said that there was an offensive from the Thai side.
So it depends on which version you read about.
And indeed, as you have mentioned, this is a fragile ceasefire.
It was broken on the back of tariffs talks and that, in order to get the tariffs, both sides needed to tone down the hostilities.
And that was how the ceasefire was achieved.
It appears that there is a lack of confidence-building measure between the two countries and therefore it reignited, based on the reasons cited by both sides that I've mentioned earlier on.
A senior Trump administration official said on Monday that the US president expects Cambodia and Thailand to fully honor their ceasefire commitments following the renewed clashes.
Do you think fully honor is still possible at this point?
Well, currently it appears that there is self-restraint on both sides.
In terms of Cambodia, you might have read that, at least from the state media, that they would not retaliate.
And on the Thai side, they have used maximum caution in using precision weapons to target what they say is the military target.
So, given that there is a restraint on both sides, there's always a possibility of a ceasefire.
It depends on the willingness of the two leaders to meet to discuss the disagreements, as well as the desire for ASEAN to come in.
Particularly, the outgoing chair of Malaysia has an urge for restraint and calm on both sides.
And also the great powers have made statements to tone down at least the temperature, if not the hostilities between the two countries.
Thailand has evacuated 438,000 civilians across five border provinces.
And in the meantime, authorities of Cambodia say hundreds of thousands of people had been moved to safety.
So what do you make of the impact of the renewed fighting on the civilians of the two sides?
Certainly, it is not something welcomed by the civilian, given that there was previously and most recently, a five-day war.
Therefore civilians do hope that hostilities can tone down, that at least there is a ceasefire in place.
For precaution, as you have mentioned, the Thais did move over 400000 civilians away from the border into shelters.
For the time being.
There was also exodus of Cambodians from the border towards the inland of Cambodia as well.
So this might have the effect of bringing civilian or unintended civilian deaths or accidents down, because accidents do trigger unintended consequences.
And so these are measures taken as precaution to prevent further escalation.
Now Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who is the rotating chair of ASEAN at the moment, has called for calm and for communication channels to stay open between the two sides.
So what role or what roles can the ASEAN play in terms of helping de-escalate the tensions between Thailand and Cambodia?
Well, ASEAN certainly can play a very big role, because ASEAN has always tried to be a platform, a neutral platform for disputes.
At the same time, both countries, Cambodia and Thailand appears to also be willing to turn to ASEAN for some form of mediation.
It will take time and it will require a period of low, toned down temperatures to create the right atmospherics for the two countries to go back to the platform of ASEAN, where its fellow Southeast Asians can try to use their collective dissuasion to not escalate the current situation.
Thailand and Cambodia have, for more than a century, contested sovereignty at the undemarcated points along their land border.
Over the longer term, do you see possible solutions for this dispute?
Well, if you really trace the origins of this dispute, it has a very long historical roots that go back centuries.
Therefore, something that has such a long longevity, it is challenging to stop.
Indeed, having existed for so long different interpretations of history, different emotional feelings about the conflict.
This will require perhaps, the collective identity of ASEAN to take place, so that there can be more constructivist interdependence and interconnections, without allowing such diversity of views about history to tear the fabric of ASEAN peace apart.
It will require a long time, it will require the collective strength of ASEAN and it will require the collective wisdom of the leaders of the both countries, with help from the great powers, including China, the US India, Japan and others.
So it will be a collective effort and it cannot be done in a very short, In a very short way.
It will require time for wounds to heal.
So very briefly, the final question before we let you go.
As you said, this particular dispute can trace back to the ancient time.
But today, what do you think, as we look at this dispute itself?
What do you think it is essentially about?
Well, this is a very complicated question and it's very difficult to answer in a sound bite.
As you know, between neighbours and it's not unique to Thailand and Cambodia there are always frictions and they typically arise, as I've mentioned, from historical factors.
They also arise from territorial issues and also a combination of external and internal politics.
So this combination of different factors provides a concoction for the hostilities to break out and therefore it requires a time for the healing to start and also for them to unravel the very complex factors combination of complex factors that has led to the event yesterday and the day before yesterday.
It takes time, that's for sure.
But thank you very much for joining us.
Professor Ling Tai Wei joining us from Soka University.
You are listening to World Today.
I'm Ding Hen in Beijing.
Benin says Nigerian fighter jets have carried out airstrikes to thwart a coup attempt in the African country.
Mutinous soldiers tried to seize Beninese President Patrice Talang and managed to kidnap two senior military officials.
Nigeria had earlier acknowledged the standing fighter jets and ground troops to neighboring Benin to help restore order.
The whereabouts of the colonel identified as the coup leader remain unknown at this point.
So for more.
Joining us now on the line is Dr He Wenping, Africa expert and a senior research fellow with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
Thank you very much for joining us.
Hi, Lihan.
Thank you for having me.
So, first of all, Dr He, why do you think Nigeria has intervened to thwart this coup attempt in Benin?
What's at stake for Nigeria?
I'm asking this question because interestingly, I have learned that Nigeria last time intervened abroad was in 2017, when there was a situation in Gambia regarding political transition, I guess.
But regarding recent coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, and neighboring Niger, Nigeria has actually...
Let's put it this way, Nigeria has actually responded far less actively.
So, compared to countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso and Nigeria, what's special about Benin to the Nigerian side?
All right.
Yes, you rightly pointed out this difference, this approach given by Nigeria.
First of all, Nigeria, you know, he is the head of the regional African organization called ECOWAS.
So he is the head.
Also, Nigeria is the biggest, you know, population country, also biggest economy country in Africa.
So it's big.
But you see, this time intervention to Benin, this failed military coup, First of all it's based on Benin government, their request.
So they ask it first.
And then Nigeria think it has this duty and the responsibility to intervene to bring the civilian government back to the power.
So this is number one, so asked by Benin.
And second, Nigeria is the head of the regional, this community that's called ECOWAS.
And why didn't do to Burkina Faso, like Mali, Niger?
So there are lots of those, quite a lot of military coups taking place.
You see, if you look about the map in Africa, you will see Benin exactly just border with Nigeria.
But Mali, like Burkina Faso, so it's quite far, far away.
And even though you are saying oh, Chad and Niger also border with Nigeria, but compared with Benin Niger, you know, is big size
And also they already teamed up with Mali and Burkina Faso.
Those three countries already organized the so-called collective security, this bloc.
They have made very clear if you attack anyone among this bloc and then that will be regarded as attack to the three countries together.
So that's a big, quite big challenge.
So it's not that easy to handle.
And also plus those three other countries Mali, Burina Faso, Niger they quickly already controlled the government military.
This coup already seemed successful.
So by now Benin, so that means just one hour later, and then saying they failed those military officials.
So the northern part of Benin has suffered repeated jihadist attacks, including some major assaults earlier this year, in January and April that ended up killing dozens of soldiers.
Now, this time, the coup plotters have cited insecurity in the northern part of this country as a justification for attempting this military coup.
What is your thought regarding this?
Yes, this kind of excuse actually has been used before in other Western African countries, when those military soldiers are trying to take the power.
There have been also complaints saying oh, we have been fighting in the battlefield and then this civilian government has not paid enough attention to our suffering, to our sacrifice.
So this time around, similar.
Of course, this is also the fact.
We have been noticed that Benin, those military coup those soldiers.
What they have claimed that was the fact, because dozens of soldiers have been killed and then seems government cannot pay, for example, a lot of money saying well to those died soldiers together with their family.
So you need to pay those fees, financial to support them.
Use the financial way.
But now we should notice, like many other least developed African countries, they have no such budget at all.
Also, economically speaking, it now is downtrend.
Rather than uptrend.
So that is why those military, those you know soldiers or generals, somehow is not a general this time, just a middle level military officer.
They feel, they felt that they have been marginalized, they have been forgotten.
So this is one reason.
But another reason now, so far we don't know the detail, so probably, maybe somehow also uh engaged with those political uh instability.
We all know the election is just around the corner.
So next uh, next apple, will be the election.
Now no, no matter the you know, the sitting uh party, the ruling party or the opposition party, they're all eyes on that election.
So for the incumbent president, of course, himself already saying he will no longer continue serving as president, but the candidates he named for now remain quite strong for this competition, for this election.
And the opposition party seems being marginalized at all, even not being named as a qualification.
Now is in trouble.
So opposition party, of course, not happy about that.
So who knows?
Now we don't know the detail.
So any like political party seems engaged with military.
Some middle level military officers now remain a question mark.
So I guess that's a very important piece of background information.
And I mean the political situation in this country really provides very important background information and a bigger context for us to have a better understanding of the just happened military coup in Benin.
But thank you very much for joining us.
Dr He Wenping joining us from Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
You're listening to World Today.
I'm Ding He in Beijing.
Bye for now.
Hello, i am dr digby james wren, a political analyst and international relations scholar specializing in china area studies.
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