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China's Hainan free trade port will officially launch island -wide independent customs operations this December.
Meanwhile, Chinese Commerce Minister hosts video meeting with the EU Trade Commissioner, head of China -EU summit.
it. And U .S. President Donald Trump announces trade deals with Japan, Indonesia and the Philippines.
Welcome to Road Today, a news program with a different perspective.
I'm Ge 'Anna in Beijing.
To listen to this episode again or to catch up on previous episodes, you can download our podcast by searching Road Today.
day. China is intensifying its opening up by moving toward island -wide independent customs operations in the Hainan Free Trade Port on December 18.
This means flows between Hainan and overseas markets will be managed under simplified procedures.
The proportion of zero -tariff products in Hainan Free Trade Port will increase from 21 to 74 percent.
To support the transition, China's top economic planner has wrote out a package of new policies.
These include broader zero -tariff coverage, more relaxed trade management rules, faster customs clearance, and a more efficient supervision model.
So for more insight, my colleague Zhao Yang spoke with Professor Liu Baocheng from the University of International Business and Economics.
So Professor Liu Baocheng, thank you very much for joining us.
Hainan Free Trade Port is to begin independent customs operations in December.
So what does the island -wide independent customs operation mean in practical terms?
It means Hainan will be fully separated from the mainland customs territories and will implement its own independent customs regime across the entire island and also the entire Hainan province.
So in practical terms, goods entering Hainan from overseas will be treated as imports to the special free trade port, where goods moving from Hainan to the mainland will go through customs clearance and also subject to applicable tariffs and other type of taxes like VAT.
So this transforms the entire island into a special customs zone, allowing for more liberal trade, streamlined procedures, and broad application of free trade policies.
So it also marks a shift from policy pilots in specific smaller zones to comprehensive implementation at this entire provincial level.
And how significant is this move for China's broader strategy of high -level opening up?
China has been highly committed to multilateralism, by which China continues to implement its open -door policy at a higher and institutional level.
So, while the Hainan Island has a big potential to be unleashed with the Open Door Policy, because its territory is more than 30 times of Hong Kong, and almost 50 times of Singapore, whereas its per capita GDP is only one fifth of Hong Kong.
so the potential is there.
This is really a highly significant step in Chinese strategy to promote high standard opening and build a globally competitive free trade zone.
The Hainan Free Trade Port is designed as a flagship pilot to benchmark international standard in economic and trade management.
It's a full customs separation demonstrates Chinese high commitment to reduce the trade barriers, attracting foreign investment and foster a more liberal, transparent, rule -based business environment.
It also allies with the central government's goal of developing new institutional opening, not just to expand market access, but also to test bold reforms in areas such as the customs governance, the investment liberalization, and the regulatory alignment with the global rules.
And talking about some detailed measures, for example, the proportion of zero -tariff products will rise to 74%, and this is a nearly 53 percentage point increase from the pre -closure levels.
So what's the benefit of that?
Well, the sharp rise in zero tariff coverage signifies the lowering cost of importing a wide range of goods from raw materials, intermediate goods, to final capital equipment.
It also helps to lower the inputs for the enterprises in pricing situated in Hainan.
They help to attract more foreign manufacturers, service providers, particularly those digital technology providers.
and they also help to enhance the competitiveness of the local industry in order to be able to form a equal cluster to shop their business operation it also helps to position Hainan as the important hub in the Asia Pacific region for trade logistics processing and high -end services with the regional and global reach. So the nearly universal application to businesses and institutions on the island, you know, with the wide range of zero tariff policy, is going to expand the inclusiveness and also encourages more of those stakeholders to participate in the trade port economy.
And how will the customs closure change how foreign businesses interact or operate in Hainan?
Will this encourage more multinational companies to set up operations in Hainan?
Well, the customs closure marks a structural shift in how foreign businesses engage with this particular region.
While the island is operating as an independent customs territory, foreign Foreign companies can import goods, equipment, raw materials, and for people to enter into Hainan without some of the procedure hurdles and without paying a hefty tariff.
So therefore it enables foreign firms to treat Hainan as a base for offshore processing, progressing, to set up regional headquarters, and also to deal with logistics not only getting dispersed in Hainan Island, but also facing the entire Indo -Pacific region.
So it effectively lowers the entry cost and improve the capital mobility, making Hainan and more attractive for global companies seeking foothold in this robust region.
So the expanded zero -tariff regime and streamlined customs procedures will likely attract the multinationals in sectors like biotech, digital services and green industries to establish operations on this island.
And analysts say nearly all enterprises and institutions in Hainan will benefit from it.
So could you elaborate more on that?
And what could this mean for the business landscape in Hainan?
Well, immediately, the broad eligibility for zero tariff to cover almost all entities with actual import.
it creates a more equitable, inclusive, and cost -effective ecosystem.
So this move will likely stimulate private sector's activities to encourage investment in high -value production, boost competitiveness across both state -owned and private enterprises, and particularly also to attract more foreign companies to flock in.
So in the supporting area, so universities, hospitals, research organizations will also benefit from a easier and cheaper access to advanced equipment and materials, and also, more importantly, in today's environment, the data flow.
So, over a longer term, this will set up a good example that can be emulated by many other free trade loans in China, because right now we have 22 free trade loans.
they can also synergize with each other and leverage their collective capability to move China onto a further institutional opening height and also to boost the Chinese high -quality growth.
And tourism, modern services, high -tech and tropical agriculture now make up over 60 % of Hainan's GDP.
So which of the sectors is most promising under the free trade port model?
And what opportunities does the free trade port open up for international talent and entrepreneurs in Hainan?
While what you mentioned, the four dominant sectors are important, the modern services and high -tech industries will be the trendsetter to position Hainan for its future development.
So this free trade port offers liberalized data flow, cross -border capital movement, and relaxed restrictions on the professional services.
It also enables fintech companies, digital providers, healthcare providers, and innovation businesses to really gather together.
So agriculture remains important, but only, I think, restricted to support the local indigenous producers and also to maintain the job of farmers, although their job skills will also require further upgrading.
So, moreover, the preferential tax regime and simplified visa process will make Hainan more attractive to global talent and is also going to bring more of the incentives for the startup companies in these frontier technologies.
So for international entrepreneurs, Hainan provides a unique testing ground to pilot the new business model to access Chinese and Asian market and leverage the incubation and policy incentives.
So in parallel, tourism can be still a high pillar industry supported by so many duty -free shops and many other scenic spots and also increased service quality.
That was Professor Liu Baocheng from the University of International Business and Economics.
Coming up, Chinese Commerce Minister hosts video meeting with EU Trade Commissioner, head of the China -EU Summit.
This is Road Today.
Stay with us. China has broken ground on what's said to be the world's largest hydropower station high on the Qinghai -Sizang or Tibet Plateau, a new engine for green energy.
But beyond clean power, what will the massive project on the Yarlong Dzamba River mean for China's vast west and its South Asian neighbors?
What challenges lie ahead and could it reshape regional cooperation?
Join us as we explore the facts, the controversy and high stakes engineering behind this mega project on this week's chat lounge.
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Chinese Commerce Minister Wang Wintel has expressed concerns over the European Union's decision to include two Chinese financial institutions in its latest round of sanctions against Russia.
This came during a video meeting with the European Commissioner for Trade and Economic Security Mario Sefcovic.
According to a statement from China's Ministry of Commerce, The two sides held what were described as frank and in -depth discussions on China -EU economic and trade cooperation, as well as other major issues.
So to explore what this meeting tells us about the current state and the future of China -EU economic ties, we are joined by Dr. Zhou Mi, Senior Research Fellow with the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation.
Welcome. Thanks for having me.
Dr. Jiao, let's begin with the broader context.
How would you characterize the current state of economic and trade relations between China and the European Union?
And are we seeing more convergence or growing divergence?
Well, I think that generally speaking, I would say that both sides of China and the EU are getting more closer based on our principles.
As we know that China and the EU are important members of the multilateral system of WTO.
so both sides are trying to make our commitments and also fulfill them.
So as for the multilateral system, I think the most important principle is the most favorite nations, which we should train to treat every member with equal principles of treatment, like for the market access and also the tariffs.
So China and the EU are facing the challenges of the unilateralism and protectionism both, So, we are trying to defend our beliefs and principles.
I think that is kind of a very similar, you know, principles for us to try to more converge.
Well, for another one, I think that's a complementary advantages and demands for both sides are increasing.
So, we can see that there are so many new areas that both sides can do more to cooperate and try to reduce the uncertainty, which was also brought by the botanism.
Dr. Zhao, this meeting took place as China and the EU mark 50 years of diplomatic relations amid ongoing discussions on trade.
During the talks, Wang Wentei raised China's concerns over the EU's 18th round of sanctions against Russia, which included two Chinese financial institutions.
So how do you view this sanction?
Is it justified? And what China's stance on this?
Well, I still don't know exactly the banks that the EU is accused of, but I think that there are two things we have to make it very clear.
The first one is that whether we do have the facts that can show or some proof that shows that they're against some of these principles of the EU or other side.
We know that the EU is not just the one part of these kind of ideas that we want to arrange or manage the other countries with so -called long -arm principles.
So we have to respect the independence of the Soviet countries or government.
That is the first thing.
And the second, I think that we have to make it clear whether these kinds of sanctions also abide by what they have commitment to the multilateral system or the world.
So we need to find out whether they have enough facts to show these kinds of decisions.
And I think that, from the financial market, especially the banks, it's very important for us to know that it's not only just serve for certain sectors or enterprises, it serves quite a lot of clients like including the customers, like the small and the medium sized enterprises.
So when we are trying to do more things about the financial institutions, like the banks, we have to be careful about the impacts or some kind of spillover impacts on the related stakeholders.
Then building on that, how might that impact the broader economic relationships and also the upcoming China -EU summit in Beijing?
I would say that it has brought us more difficulties on trying to reach consensus because China and the EU will have so many areas for potential cooperation and we have to deal with a lot of different opinions.
I think it's natural for both sides because we are huge economies, so we have to find out a better way to address the challenges because China and the EU, as we discussed, we have many consensus, but we also have many disputes.
The disputes include those about the EVs and new energy vehicles, or some kind of ideas towards certain issues.
So we should not try to bring more difficulties.
We should try to bridge the gaps and trying to exchange the information according to the requirement by both sides.
I think it's very important for the economies to discuss about the ways that we are going to do and also trying to show our attitudes.
Then to be more precise, what do you think will be the main issues on the table with the China -EU summit?
Well, there are many issues.
I think that the first one, we have to review about the process of the past 50 years on what kind of achievements that we have done are successful, are better for the society and also for the people.
And second, I think that we need to address the challenges like the climate change if the United States is trying to quit from this kind of gain.
Can we do more to improve the welfare of both sides and how can we fulfill our commitments and in what way should we try to to provide more opportunities to the related stakeholders.
And third, I think that it's also important for us to try to bridge and link these two markets in a wider range, because we know that many EU countries are suffering from the pro -technism like the higher or potential even higher tariffs from United States.
So they have to find out some alternatives and also it is true for China, so we can do more to improve the collaboration in the bilateral ways and also try to explore the better ideas for the cooperation in our regional development about the trade and investment.
As you earlier mentioned, even with the current disagreements, China and the EU are still major trade partners with a lot of room for collaboration.
Then again, the backdrop of a sluggish global recovery right now, What areas do you think will continue to anchor China -EU trade ties?
And where might we see new breakthroughs?
Well, yeah, first of all, I would say that traditional cooperation between two sides are still very strong.
Like that we are going to buy more agricultural products from EU.
While they are also trying to bring more electronics or machineries from China.
I think that's a cooperation on the traditional products of the textiles, the shoes or the bedding products are still there.
So we can try to improve the supply chains based on this kind of cooperation.
Well, for another way, I would say that we can try to improve the collaboration on the innovative ways, like the digital economies, digital trade and the service trade.
So we have many kind of new ideas and the enterprises of both sides are very curious or very eager to cooperate with the other side.
So we can try to bring them more opportunities like what we want to do.
We can welcome the investors from EU to come to the Highland Freeport.
And we also are trying to provide a better mechanism based on the kind of agreed agreements or trade agreements or investment agreements.
So the cooperation is very wide.
We can strengthen the supply chain and diversify the collaboration based on the China -EU levels or China and EU member levels.
There are so many possibilities for us to discuss.
Dr. Zhou, if we look at the priorities from both sides, Do those priorities today show us that China and the European Union are looking at the future of cooperation from different angles?
Well, it's true that both sides may have some different opinions about the way for moving forward. But I think the most important thing is we respect the fact.
I think that is also what the philosophy of both sides are, you know, agree with each other.
So based on these kind of ideas and also the mechanism, I think that collaboration between China and the EU can be even strengthened compared with the previous decade.
We can try to do more to expand the collaboration base and trying to strengthen the abilities for innovation.
I believe that is very important for both sides and the rest of the world.
Because we've seen the European Union increasingly defying its approach to China under the framework of de -risking, emphasizing not decoupling, yet tightening controls over technology and investment.
So in the long run, how can China and the European Union build a more resilient economic partnership that balances concerns with the need for continued cooperation?
operation? Well, I think it is true that China also are facing some problems about the restructuring of the supply chains, so we want to help the EU to fulfill their targets of the de -risking.
The de -risking may be coming from the multiplied, you know, the channels of the supplies and the strengthened, you know, global cooperation.
I think that China and EU can do more to trying to bridge the, you know, the gaps of the information and trying to give a solid support from the financial areas, from the technology cooperation, and also a lot of other areas to ensure that both sides, I mean, the stakeholders can have a long -term cooperation based on their demands and abilities.
I think that is very helpful for them to try to stabilize the supply chains and be stronger in the global value chains.
Thanks, Dr. Zhou. I think as China and the EU continue navigating a complex relationship, dialogue like this remains crucial for understanding both the challenges and opportunities ahead.
That was Dr. Zhou Mi, Senior Research Fellow with the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation.
This is World Today.
We'll be back after a short break.
This is Road Today with Mika Anna in Beijing.
U .S. President Donald Trump has announced trade deals with Japan, Indonesia and the Philippines.
The deal with Japan includes a 15 % tariff alongside a substantial $550 billion investment commitment from Tokyo into the U .S. economy.
Trump further claimed that the U .S. will retain 90 % of the profits generated from that investment.
As for Indonesia, the U .S. will drop threatened tariffs from 32 % to 19%.
Indonesia will eliminate tariffs on over 99 % of U .S. goods and scrap non -tariff barriers facing U .S. companies.
The U .S. will also impose a 19 percent tariff on the Philippines.
The figure is slightly below the 20 percent rate Trump had previously threatened, but remains higher than the 17 percent so -called reciprocal tariff announced in April for several other countries.
So, to help us better understand the implication of these deals, we are joined by Andy Mock, senior research fellow at the Center for China and Globalization.
Indeed, Trump has announced new trade deals with the Philippines, Indonesia and Japan, though we don't have full details from the White House yet, but looking at how trade usually works between these countries with the United States, what do you think these new tariffs would mean for these nations?
How might their competitiveness in the US market be affected?
Well, that's a great question.
You know, I think one, we have to look at what's announced.
And as we've seen with previous announced deals, sometimes there might not be as much substance there as the headline would seem to indicate.
But that being said, but let's assume that the substance of the deal largely matches what has been announced.
I think that the good news is that, of course, this creates at least short term certainty.
So businesses can plan, investors can make decisions, etc. I think the danger here is that, especially for Japan, well, actually, it's also I think, dangerous for the Philippines as well, but perhaps for different reasons, is that for Japan, this could be politically explosive.
So we know that, for instance, rice farmers in Japan are very politically powerful constituency.
So there may may be a powerful domestic backlash in Japan against this deal.
Again, if the substance matches what has been announced from the Philippines perspective, I guess we could say in some ways it's similar.
So some analysts in the Philippines have described this thing more than neo -colonialism.
And it's not just the trade deal, but that the Philippines really was is forced, coerced into giving up a lot of sovereignty, including around national security that may put it in a dangerous spot in the so called Indo -Pacific.
So I think this is from the perspective of these two countries provides, at least in the short term, some clarity and certainty.
But again, I think it runs the risk of domestic political blowback.
And the other thing I think is very important to point out, too, is it's hard to know, especially with the Trump administration, is the deal really a deal?
You know, in a month from now, six months from now, will now, you know, the U .S. have a completely different approach?
And we see this, of course, across administrations every four to eight years.
But what's new and different about the Trump administration is now these very dramatic changes can happen within an administration, not just across administrations.
Yeah, we've indeed seen constant shifts in the short term.
But now, Trump said, the U .S. will put 19 % tariffs on goods from the Philippines, not as high at the 20 % Trump threatened, but still above the 17 % rate he announced in April for many countries.
The rate is the same as Indonesia's and better than Vietnam's.
What does this say about how the U .S. is playing its trade cards in Southeast Asia?
What ripple effects might this create for the regional trade landscape?
Well, that's hard to say, right?
I mean, you know, is there really a substantive difference between 19 % and 20 %?
Now, of course, if the numbers are big enough, it does matter.
But, you know, what some analysts in the Philippines say is that, you know, the Philippines has really, again, walked away with essentially nothing, which is why I think they, you know, with a certain degree of outrage, describe this as nothing more than neocolonialism.
You know, what I think this may do, and we already see this trend happening, not just in Asia, in Southeast Asia, but all around the world, that countries realize what they have to do is insulate themselves from the United States by strengthening trade ties with other countries around the world, including China.
And I think here, you know, it's very clear from the people I talk to, diplomats, business executives, investors, that China really is seen as the polar opposite in that it is reliable, dependable, big market, increasingly a source of technology, investment capital.
And, you know, we can see this dynamic, I think, really playing out in real time.
And I think one thing this will do is strengthen intra -regional trade and investment ties in Southeast Asia.
Let's delve into the deal with Japan.
Trump claimed that Japan will invest $550 billion in the U .S. and America will retain 90 % of the profits.
How feasible is such an investment deal in practice?
is? Well, theoretically, any kind of business arrangement is possible, right?
You could have two parties.
One puts up all the money, gets 1 % of the profit, right?
That's certainly possible.
But, you know, we look at these are, you know, sovereign countries.
And in particular, you know, I wonder if what we might see in Japan as a result of this is even greater domestic political political polarization and political backlash.
Because again, you have the rice farmers as a very powerful domestic constituency.
There are people that are patriotic nationalists that may see this as a violation or an insult to national honor.
I think this is very difficult.
But again, we also have to look at the numbers too.
There perhaps is a case that for strategic reasons, including remaining under the U .S. security umbrella, that Japan could see this as a worthwhile exchange.
But again, I think the issue here is that I think the danger is that this could cause domestic political backlash.
Then if the deal goes forward, Trump also said Japan is opening up its market for things like U .S. cars, rice, and farmer goods, for example, areas Japan has been protective about.
So what's behind this apparent shift from Tokyo?
And what kind of impact could this market opening have on Japan's economy and industrial layout?
Well, I think consumers will benefit greater choice, perhaps lower prices.
But certainly these sectors, the rice farmers, agriculture, automotive, of course, and automotive is a very important pillar of the Japanese economy.
So it could have negative repercussions as well.
So I think that remains to be seen.
But also, you know, I think one can question, you know, can this actually be implemented?
Because again, there are other political power centers, not just the the central government.
So could this again result in domestic political strife?
I think we really have to see, because again, I think there's good reasons why Japan has defended these sectors for so long, right?
And now they're willing to surrender on this.
I think we really again have to see, can it be implemented?
And if so, what sort of repercussions might there be?
Andy, I came across a very interesting article recently asking, what does it mean to be a friend of America in 2025?
Given these two deals with Washington's staunch allies, Japan and the Philippines, how would you respond to that question?
Well, I'm sure, you know, the heads of many governments around the world are asking themselves this question.
And, you know, I just think back to Henry Kissinger saying to William Buckley during the Vietnam War that he said to be an enemy of the United States is dangerous.
To be a friend is fatal.
And this, again, was referring to the South Vietnamese government at the time.
So, you know, again, I think we do perhaps see a pattern here that, again, you know, some would describe the U .S. as structurally agreement incapable, meaning that it cannot stick to a long -term agreement typically because there's a change in presidential administrations.
But now again, we see this with changes within an administration, but also, you know, that allies, whether you're the UK, whether you're Canada, you know, can suffer sometimes very painfully and very publicly by being too closely aligned and dependent on the United States.
And I think this is, I think, an unfortunate lesson that many countries around the world are rediscovering.
That was Andy Mock, a senior research fellow at the Center for China and Globalization.
Coming up, Japanese Prime Minister has denied talks of his imminent resignation.
This is Road Today.
We'll be back. Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has reiterated his intention to remain in office.
He denied reports of his imminent resignation and emphasized the need to avoid a political vacuum.
vacuum speaking after meeting senior figures from the Liberal Democratic Party yeshiva said they did not discuss his resignation at all yeshiva is facing a critical political Juncture as discontent within his ruling LDP threatens to derail his leadership following the party's loss in the recent Upper House election for more on this joining us on the line is Dr rongin Chair Professor Professor with the School of International Studies at Sichuan University.
Professor, let's start with the election first. Prime Minister Ishiba's Liberal Democrat Party suffered a heavy blow.
What were the main reasons behind this electoral setback for the LDP?
Well, obviously, I think the economic factor is the major factor affecting the showing of the LDP.
Even though, I mean, in general, to be fair, that the seats they are holding compared to the majority, they're just a few seats short.
And this is obvious, as we have seen that during the campaign, the LDPs and other opposition parties are campaigning how to find an effective way to address the riding costs, the consumption taxes, and so on and so forth.
force. Obviously, I think the LDP and also Prime Minister Ishiba's sort of way does not work out.
Secondly, I think it is also very much related to the agenda or the political performance of Prime Minister Ishiba.
Remember, this is the third sort of consecutive loss of elections, he lost the first First election, the upper house, I mean, the lower house election last, I mean, October, that was, of course, not to be blamed.
He was blamed because he just won the election.
But he lost another important election in Tokyo, the Tokyo metropolitan election, the very much important.
And again, this upper house elections.
And this is, again, very much related to his inability to deliver on the political reform his promise to relate to the campaign finance and so forth.
Lastly, I think it is also very much related to his style.
It's been very sort of a so -called lone -wolf style and he's been straightforward. And also I think the within the party, there are not many sort of supporters.
So his basis political basis is also quite weak.
So all in all, we now have a prime minister, we have a head of the LDP party, which lost the elections, and the approval rate at this moment is something like 20%, which is very, I think, dangerous, even in the case of Japanese politics.
Professor, Ishiba says he's not stepping down, yet mainstream media previously cited sources predicting he would step down by the end of August. How do you interpret this discrepancy in information?
Is this about factions fighting for influence?
Well, obviously, I think Prime Minister Ishiba is now at a very difficult time, difficult decision to make.
Politically, I think there has to be someone to take the blame for the loss.
So accountability is an issue.
And after all, I think even for Prime Minister Ishiba himself, he very much pushed his colleagues, For example, in 2007 when the late Prime Minister Abe lost the election, he pushed for Abe to take the responsibility.
And also another sort of politician, also former Prime Minister Aso, for the same reasons.
So he now has to explain why he could be exempted.
The release related to that is, of course, the pressure arising within the party, particularly, I think, the younger generation, the younger politicians, they are now mobilizing for that.
And plus the, I think, the older guard who used to, I mean, not very much supporting himself.
So all in all, I think the argument that he had a responsibility to take care of and this is a bigger party, has other agenda, I don't think it's going to buy.
So all in all he is very precarious situation and we'll see what would happen in next months because diplomatically, I mean, it is true.
to Japan. Prime Minister Aishaba has quite a full or important agenda.
We'll see what will happen.
Then, Professor, building on that, considering the lack of majority support in both houses, what concrete strategies might he pursue to maintain governance?
And how might this affect policymaking in the months ahead?
Could it stall legislative progress or embolden fringe voices?
Obviously there's not much he can do except two things.
First, I think he can pursue a kind of a push for kind of an enlargement of coalition at this moment.
It's a kind of LDP with committal coalition, can also bring in other opposition parties, which I think it is possible not to sort of—I mean, out of the question.
Secondly, of course, he can continue to work through better policy coordinations based on case on case issues, but that can be very—will be very difficult because he's weak and he also that will not be able to, I think, win over the the support of its parties.
I mean, in the end, I think it would involve a lot of backroom deals, I mean, cause changes and so on and so forth to ensure not only the survival of its party, I mean the party the coalition but more importantly, I think, to pursue his policy agenda, which I think if it's very difficult, if not impossible.
Then professor do you see any likely contenders for leadership after Yeshiva and how could the LDP reposition itself amid internal divisions?
Within the LDP there are a few contenders.
Some of them are quite young.
For example, I think the sum of the former Prime Minister Koizumi is also quite popular.
popular. And by the way, he was also one of the a company participated in the elections.
I mean, the party elections are in the last year.
There's another lady, which is I think quite a conservative because of that he lost, she lost the election.
I mean, for that, when he, she was, she won the first around VW Koshiba.
I mean Iseba. But then she just lost, because the old guard within the Party, the name Takashi Saeno, and there are other younger sort of politicians.
But so far I don't see that the strong contender, because simply the Party, you know, DP is very weak.
And I think now Japanese and politics is in a very fluid and uncertain, unstable period.
We are going to see more changes of government.
Thanks, Professor, for your insightful opinion.
That was Dr. Rongyin, chair professor with the School of International Studies at Sichuan University.
This is Road Today.
Stay tuned. The Trump administration has announced that the U .S. will once again withdraw from the UN cultural agency.
The U .S. State Department said Washington made the decision due to what it saw as UNESCO's policy to advance divisive social and cultural causes over the Israel -Palestine conflict.
UNESCO Director General Andrea Zulay described the move as regrettable, adding that Washington's claims contradict the reality of the agency's efforts.
This is the third time that the U .S. has left UNESCO and the second time under President Donald Trump.
For more on this, Zhao Yin spoke with Joseph Mahoney, professor of politics and international relations at East to China, Normal University.
The Trump administration cited UNESCO's support for woke, divisive cultural and social causes and his globalist ideological agenda as key reasons for the withdrawal.
But what exactly are these causes and why are they seen as contrary to U .S. interests?
Well, first, Trump is asserting that he was elected president as a show of popular support for his conservative so -called anti -woke agenda.
Now, there have been a couple of UNESCO initiatives that experts believe run contrary to Trump's espoused conservative values, including possibly an anti -racism toolkit that UNESCO promoted in 2023 and a 2024 program challenging gender norms called Transforming Mentalities with M -E -N capitalized.
Now, second, in fact, Trump has withdrawn from numerous other international organizations and agreements that he believes constrain U .S. global power and privilege and do so at America's financial and cultural expense.
Now, these include, of course, the World Health Organization and the Paris Agreement, among others.
So this, you know, withdrawal from UNESCO is part of a larger pattern in his foreign policy at odds with multilateralism.
Third, of course, this was always likely.
He did the same before during his first term.
The question is, why did he wait until now?
Now, here we may speculate that he's saved and sequenced these kinds of policies to maximize their political impact among his base, especially in times like these, the one he faces now, where so many of his Republican supporters are very unhappy with his about -face on the Epstein scandal.
It may also be the case that we're seeing this quitting UNESCO now to sort of distract his supporters who are otherwise angry with him.
OK, but who gets to decide which international causes are legitimate and which are divisive?
And do you see this move as a retreat from global leadership or an attempt by the U .S. to kind of reshape international norms on its own terms?
Well, nominally, the American voters who voted for Trump decided to let Trump decide which causes are legitimate and which are divisive.
In fact, while Trump's base will certainly see this second withdrawal as red meat, I think a lot of American voters simply believe the U .S. is no longer in a position to pay for international programs. Furthermore, in addition to questionable financial solvency, many also believe the U .S. is morally bankrupt and has no business spreading its culture to others.
So you can have these two perspectives, one that's sort of pro -American and one that's sort of anti -American, that essentially support this decision, even if they don't agree with some of Trump's justifications.
As for whether Trump is trying to reshape international norms, you know, on the one hand, it's more directly the case that Trump doesn't want to be constrained by international norms and might even be hostile to the very concept of an international norm.
On the other hand, he probably believes that he can bully others to follow his lead.
And thus, it might be the case that he's trying to establish ultimately new norms, even if he's more of a destructive agent than a constructive one.
Well, the administration also pointed to UNESCO's alleged anti -Israel bias and its acceptance of Palestine as a member state.
How has this issue shaped U .S.-UNESCO relations over the years?
Well, although Palestine has been a non -member observer state of the UN since 2012, in essence, it's not a member of the UN itself.
It was made a member of UNESCO in 2011.
And this has always rankled Washington.
You know, the US, even under Biden, was very hostile to UN members who advocated on Palestine's behalf and frequently used its UN Security Council veto power to prevent the UN from holding Israel accountable for its treatment of the Palestinian people.
What's interesting, of course, is that Trump is even more vitriolic and extreme in his support for Israel.
And this has led him to target UNESCO, as well as advance other extreme policies that his predecessors avoided, even if they also strongly supported Israel.
However, I think it's important to point out that UNESCO argues that its actions promoting promoting Holocaust remembrance and combating anti -Semitism have won praise from the U .S. Holocaust Memorial Museum and the World Jewish Congress and says this, you know, certainly runs contrary to the anti -Israel bias that the Trump administration alleges.
Well, as we know, this is the third time the U .S. has withdrawn from UNESCO with previous access in 1984 and 2017, how do they reflect the deeper trends in U .S. foreign policy?
Well, in 1984, Reagan quit UNESCO, citing what he believed was the organization's financial mismanagement, its high overhead costs, its need for reforms, and what he believed was its anti -American bias, asserting that it favored the Soviet Union, as well as socialist concepts of statehood over individual rights.
Now, when Trump quit the first time in 2017, it was then also due to alleged anti -Israel bias, also due to the need, he said, for institutional reforms, and the assertion that it was simply out of step with his America First foreign policy.
Now, in fact, the underlying issue here is the hostility that US conservatives, like like Trump, like Reagan, have long had for the U .N., not just UNESCO.
And we can trace these back to McCarthyism, but also to the conservatism of Barry Goldwater, which Reagan built on and which Trump has returned to in part.
Now, that's the deeper historical trend.
In fact, American conservatives tend to attack the U .N. whenever possible, but they haven't had the guts to actually leave the large organization, realizing their position on the U .S. Security Council and their ability to control the U .S. substantially is too much power to simply abandon.
So instead, they target UNESCO and make it part of their culture war.
How might this latest departure affect UNESCO's operations and what could it mean for broader international cooperation in education, science and culture?
Well, you know, interestingly, UNESCO anticipated Trump's withdrawal and they realize that the US could not be counted as a reliable partner going forward. So ever since Trump withdrew in 2017, UNESCO has diversified its funding sources.
Currently, the US contribution is only about 8 % of the organization's total budget.
And And by some counts, China has already become UNESCO's largest financial contributor and certainly is playing more of a leading role in shaping the organization's agenda.
Now, some people believe that the U .S. withdrawal carries symbolic weight, that it will further undermine the principle of multilateralism, that it may signal a broader trend of isolationism.
But at the same time, we're hearing UNESCO say that they won't have to scale back or significantly restructure a lot of its programs. It demonstrated previously when Trump withdrew that it was able to continue its work.
And by the way, one of the things that it did, even after Trump withdrew, was start developing a global standard setting instrument on the ethics of AI.
Now, this is something that the U .S. opposes.
The U .S. just wants its AI companies to be able to set the standard and not be constrained by a global standard. But this type of standard setting is something that Europe wants, is something that China wants, is something that the Global South wants.
And so I think we're already seeing UNESCO as well as the U .N. move on beyond the constraints that the U .S. has been trying to impose on it in order for the U .S. to avoid being constrained by the UN or UNESCO or other related organizations.
That was Joseph Mahoney, professor of politics and international relations at East China Normal University.
That's all the time for this edition of Road Today.
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I'm Ge 'anna in Beijing.
Thank you so much for listening.
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